The Freedom of Peoples in Syria Depends on Equality of Status Under the Law

By Suphi Aksoy

With the collapse of the Ba’athist dictatorship in Syria, the ensuing confusion in establishing a new political system has paved the way for chaos. Al-Qaeda, a variant of Islamic movements in the Middle East, facilitated the rise of Islamic State (ISIS)-affiliated organizations in Daramsuq (Damascus) by rallying under the banner of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), disguising themselves under a new appearance. From this point forward, expecting justice and democracy from jihadist organizations attempting to rebrand themselves for global acceptance is unrealistic. For rights and the rule of law to prevail, it is essential to adopt contemporary international principles as a foundation, with each nation asserting its will through unity. National and social groups failing to act in unison risk exclusion from the new system, as history teaches valuable lessons from past social transformations.

Following the collapse of the Ottoman Empire after World War I, the Middle East underwent significant restructuring, largely shaped by the Treaty of Lausanne. The Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) and Kurdish peoples, unrepresented and divided during the conference, were excluded from the new order. Figures like Agha Petros, Mor Ephrem Barsoum, and Surma Khanum faced challenges due to their voices not being sufficiently heard in London, Paris, and Lausanne. This lack of representation persisted across generations, resulting in immense losses. Meanwhile, Kurdish representatives, including Hassan Khairy, affirmed that the Turkish delegation at Lausanne also represented Kurdish interests. By surrendering their agency to their rulers, the Kurds faced severe devastation without gaining any status.

When Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship in Iraq collapsed in 2003, the Kurds, having learned from Lausanne, defended their rights through unity. In contrast, the Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) people, acting as fragmented groups, were included in the new Iraqi constitution as two distinct ethnicities—Assyrian and Chaldean. This division was enshrined in the constitution, formalizing their lack of political standing necessary for self-governance. The absence of international support further weakened their struggle for autonomy, eroding public confidence and leaving the community defenseless. Without institutionalizing their national will, historical values, and rights, the Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) people became increasingly vulnerable, with large-scale migrations steadily depleting their population in the region.

The civil war in Syria and international interventions to overthrow the Assad regime culminated in Bashar al-Assad fleeing the country and the collapse of the state on 8 December 2024. During this period, opposition factions fell under the influence of various international powers, deepening internal conflicts and turning the crisis into a more severe predicament. The Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) and Kurdish peoples, isolated rather than united, failed to rally around their national identities. Divisions within the Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) community — split between the regime and opposition — prevented them from presenting a unified voice on the global stage. Patriarchal institutions, fragmented by denominational differences, weakened their collective impact. The lack of a unified national program further fueled confusion, leaving a negative impression on the public.

The Syriac Union Party (SUP) participated in establishing the Democratic Autonomous Administration of the Region of North and East Syria (DAARNES), while the Assyrian Democratic Organization (ADO) joined the National Coalition of Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces (SNRC). Meanwhile, the Assyrian Democratic Party (ADP) remained neutral before aligning with DAARNES. This multiplicity of leadership not only wasted valuable time but also created confusion through conflicting messages.

As a new era unfolds after 8 December 2024, it is critical for all institutions — including Church hierarchies, non-governmental organizations, intellectuals, and opinion leaders — to unite under a cohesive national program to secure political status. While many Kurdish parties and institutions are affiliated with DAARNES, others align with the SNRC and the Kurdish National Council (KNC), with some positioning themselves as a third-party force. This internal division fosters mutual accusations and leaves them vulnerable to external manipulation. The ongoing power struggle between factions aligned with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) puts the potential national status of the Kurds at risk.

In Syria, strength and status can only be achieved through cooperation among all ethnic groups, religions, and sects. The Alawites are striving for recognition as a distinct identity, while the Druze seek autonomy within a federal union. The Kurds, with a strong foundation, continue advocating for representation at regional and international levels. However, the unity and political demands of the Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) peoples remains underdeveloped. Bridging the gap between Church leadership and political organizations is imperative to address these shortcomings.

The future of Syria’s Christian communities will be redefined in this process. The Syriac (Aramean–Assyrian–Chaldean) people, across all denominations and sects, must consolidate their national and social identity, assert their role as founding members of Syria, and secure constitutional rights. Syria’s reconstruction must not favor a single religion, sect, or national identity. Equal representation for all groups will resolve historical injustices, dismantle the entrenched mentality of denial, and pave the way for a democratic, pluralistic society.

The views expressed in this op-ed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of SyriacPress.