Syria: Religion for God and Homeland for Sunni Arabs

By Hicham Bou Nassif | Weinberg Associate Professor of International Relations and the Middle East and George R. Roberts Fellow at Claremont McKenna College-California

The discrimination against Christians in our region has entered a new phase with the Constitutional Declaration issued last week by the interim government. The declaration specifies Islam as the religion of head of state and makes Islamic jurisprudence the primary source of legislation. This means that Christians in Syria, or at least those who remain there, will continue to live under Sharia law as second-class citizens in their own homeland. Politically, restricting the presidency to Muslims — without allocating other high positions like the prime minister or parliament to others, as the Lebanese system does to ensure representation for all — simply means that any corrupt politician or war criminal can become president if they are Muslim. Conversely, any successful Syrian citizen who loves their country cannot aspire to the same position merely because they are Christian.

Moreover, imposing Islamic jurisprudence as the primary source of legislation means, among other things, that any Sharia judge can convert Christian children into Islam regardless of their will or their mother’s wishes if their father decides to convert into Islam to facilitate divorce and remarriage. Sharia judges do not violate any law when they do this, since the decisions of Syrian Sharia courts, based on Islamic law, explicitly state “the child’s adherence to the more religiously upright parent,” which, of course, is Islam. In this regard, Syrian civil law does not differ from Egyptian or Iraqi law, with the latter explicitly stating in Article 21 that “minor children follow the religion of the parent who converts into Islam.”

In Iraq as well, any Christian cannot adopt a child of unknown parentage, as the child is automatically considered Muslim unless proven otherwise, according to Article 45 of the Civil Status Law. The same applies in Syria and other Arab countries. Additionally, any Muslim who changes their religion in Syria (and generally in Arab countries) faces severe consequences, such as being separated from their spouse and being deprived of inheritance. This is not the case when any Christian converts into Islam. Just as the old laws in the southern US placed white Americans above Black Americans in the social hierarchy based on skin color, the aforementioned laws place Muslims above others based on religion. What can be described as religious-racial discrimination is rooted in Sharia being the source of legislation, and this is precisely what the new Constitutional Declaration in Syria has reaffirmed.

One might ask: Christians constituted about 20 percent of the population when modern Syria was established, and their proportion dropped to 10 percent when the Syrian civil war began in 2011, now standing at less than 5 percent according to various estimates. Given this, what is the need to enshrine Islam as the religion of head of state? Realistically, even if the constitution did not stipulate this, what are the chances of any Christian assuming the presidency? The answer is that the pleasure of humiliating Christians is not complete if it is only de facto; it must be enshrined in the constitution so that they are reminded of their inferior place in the social hierarchy whenever they read it or whenever Islam imposes itself on their daily lives against their will.

The majoritarian supremacist mindset justifies its actions against others by repeatedly invoking the argument that it represents the majority of the population.

This mentality fails to understand that the logic of majority/minority only applies when it is dynamic, based on political struggle. For example, Republicans are the political majority in the US today; therefore, their candidate, Donald Trump, assumes the presidency. In 4 years, Republicans could lose their majority, and a Democrat could return to the presidency. The logic of majority/minority is dynamic here because it is based on the ever-changing will of the public and democratic elections. In contrast, when the logic of majority/minority is based on identity, it becomes static and unchanging. Christians, for example, will always remain a minority in Egypt, as will the Druze in Syria and Kurds in Iraq. When supremacists use the majority argument in these societies, they express a blatantly discriminatory mindset that is the root of sectarianism in our region.

Moreover, the consequences of the majoritarian supremacist mindset in Syria do not only affect Christians. The drafters of the new Constitutional Declaration could have chosen the name “Syrian Republic” for their country, similar to Lebanon’s official name, the “Lebanese Republic.” But heaven forbid that the beating heart of Arabism should succumb to such isolationism, right? The official name of Syria will remain the “Syrian Arab Republic.” Well, what about the Kurds of Syria? Are they not Syrians as well? Why should the Kurds feel any loyalty to a country whose official name does not acknowledge their existence? The question is obvious, but the majoritarian supremacist mindset does not concern itself with it because what drives it today is what has always driven it: the logic of dominance and “conquest.”

In general, the Kurds have a strong militia and will defend themselves. It is likely that al-Jolani and his group will not be able to overpower them, at least not for now. Similarly, al-Jolani will not be able to conquer the armed Syrian Druze, who are supported by clear Israeli backing. Needless to say, al-Jolani will not be able to defeat the Israeli Army, which has seized new areas of Syria. What remains for the supremacists? Massacres against the Alawites and racial-religious discrimination against Christians. As the popular saying goes, “Joha can only overpower his aunt.”

This article was originally published in Arabic by Nida al-Watan on 17 March 2025. The original can be found here.

The views expressed in this op-ed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of SyriacPress.