Lebanese Activist Marwan Hindi calls for federal constitution to reflect nation’s diversity 

BEIRUT — The question of Lebanon’s national identity has long fueled debate among political and intellectual circles. While some assert that Lebanon holds a unique cultural and civilizational character distinct from its Arab surroundings, others argue that its Arab identity was firmly established with the signing of the 1989 Taif Agreement, which ended the Lebanese Civil War.

Although the Taif Agreement officially affirmed Lebanon’s Arab identity, critics argue that this assertion was politically imposed by regional and international powers — particularly Syria — to keep Lebanon aligned with the Arab world and prevent it from diverging toward alternative ideological or geopolitical directions. 

Political activist Marwan Hindi has challenged this narrative, asserting that Lebanon is a pluralistic nation whose internal dynamics are fundamentally different from those of the Gulf Arab states. Highlighting recent reforms in Saudi Arabia under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, especially in legal modernization and women’s rights, Hindi suggested that the Kingdom is moving toward Western values, while Lebanon remains entrenched in outdated Arab nationalist rhetoric. 

“Western Values are Fundamentally Christian Values”

Appearing on the Suroyo TV Lebanon program Bikol Horriyeh, Hindi argued that the values Saudi Arabia is newly adopting are essentially rooted in Christian tradition. In contrast, Lebanon continues to operate within an Arab nationalist framework, which he contends no longer reflects its social and cultural realities. 

He specifically criticized the constitutional clause that defines Lebanon as “Arab in identity and affiliation,” arguing that it was imposed by the former Syrian regime as part of a broader pan-Arab, expansionist agenda. According to Hindi, even many Arab countries have moved beyond such ideological constructs. 

Calling for a complete overhaul of Lebanon’s constitution, Hindi advocated for the adoption of a federal system, at the very least, as a way to acknowledge the country’s diverse identities and cultures. He questioned the feasibility of long-term Muslim-Christian coexistence in Lebanon, suggesting that the current balance is more a result of converging interests than genuine social harmony. 

A Christian State for the Christians of the East?

Hindi went a step further, proposing the creation of a Christian state within Lebanon to serve as a cultural and demographic haven for Christians in the Middle East whom he described as indigenous to the land. He argued that federalism is a sophisticated system embraced by most developed countries, regardless of their demographic makeup, and that Lebanon could benefit from similar structural reforms. 

When asked whether federalism could serve as a safeguard for Lebanon’s Christian population, Hindi pointed to what he described as a growing demographic threat. He claimed that opposition to federalism stems from those who benefit from existing imbalances that marginalize Christians and other minorities. 

He insisted that the adoption of a federal constitution would bring political stability, economic recovery, and a more equitable system of governance that could address many of Lebanon’s chronic issues.

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The Identity Debate: Between History and Reality

Since its founding, Lebanon has been a crossroads of civilizations and ideologies. Some intellectual movements have embraced a Canaanite (Phoenician) identity, positioning Lebanon as historically and culturally distinct from the Arab world. 

The debate over Lebanon’s Arab identity remains unresolved. Some view it as an undeniable historical and cultural truth, while others argue it was artificially imposed by post-war political settlements. While Lebanon is widely recognized today as part of the Arab world, its deeply layered heritage, complex sectarian composition, and multilingual society keep the question open for discussion. 

Ancient Lebanon was home to the Canaanites — a Semitic maritime civilization known for its trade networks and the creation of the modern alphabet. These people preceded the Arab conquests by centuries and did not consider themselves Arab. 

Syriac Maronite Identity and Resistance to Arabism

With the rise of the Syriac Maronite Church in Mount Lebanon, a distinct Christian cultural and political identity emerged, one that saw Lebanon as a unique entity rather than an integral part of the Arab world. Influential Maronite thinkers such as Charles Malik and Michel Chiha resisted Arab nationalist ideologies, instead portraying Lebanon as a bridge between East and West. 

Founding of Greater Lebanon in 1920

Modern Lebanon was formally established in 1920 under the French Mandate. Prior to that, no political entity called “Lebanon” existed. The territory was part of the Ottoman province (vilayet) of Syria. Its creation was largely driven by Western, and especially French, interests, and was intentionally excluded from the emerging Arab Kingdom centered in Daramsuq (Damascus) under King Faisal. 

In the modern era, nationalist movements such as ‘Lebanese-ism’ have emerged, viewing Lebanon as a historically distinct nation with a unique identity separate from the broader Arab narrative. 

While Arabic is the country’s official language, French retains a strong presence in public institutions, education, and media reflecting Lebanon’s deep cultural ties to Europe. French is widely spoken, especially among the middle and upper classes. Meanwhile, the Syriac language, though not officially recognized, is actively used in the liturgy and educational activities of Syriac Churches. Efforts to formalize its status within state institutions and public education have thus far been unsuccessful.

Until Lebanon’s diverse communities can reach a shared understanding of national identity, the debate is likely to continue. Lebanon remains a singular case in the region — a nation defined by its plurality, complexity, and refusal to conform to a single, fixed identity.