A People Under Fire: The Nineveh Plains, Assyrian Autonomy Demands, and Internal Divisions

By Denho Bar Mourad-Özmen | Former Special Educator and Advisor at Sweden’s National Agency for Special Education

The Nineveh Plains in northern Iraq represent one of the most historically sensitive regions in the Middle East. This land, home to the Assyrian people, contains some of the world’s oldest Christian communities, who have survived centuries of persecution and marginalization. Following the Islamic State (ISIS) invasion in 2014, the future of the Assyrian population has reemerged as a critical issue marked by calls for autonomy but also deepening internal fragmentation. This article examines the Assyrian community’s demands for self-rule, the political and ecclesiastical divisions within it, and the impact of these dynamics on their prospects for a shared future in Iraq.  

Nineveh Plains: A Historical Heartland in Ruins  

Located east of Mosul in Iraq’s Nineveh Governorate, the Nineveh Plains are a multi-ethnic and multi-religious region, historically populated by indigenous Christian Assyrians. Their presence dates back to the Assyrian Empire, with ancient capitals in Nineveh and Nimrud. Over the twentieth century, Assyrians were subjected to repeated waves of persecution — ranging from genocide under the Ottomans to systemic marginalization under Saddam Hussein. 

Today, the Nineveh Plains remain contested territory between the Iraqi central government in Baghdad and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Erbil, complicating Assyrians’ struggle for recognition and protection. Since the fall of Saddam in 2003, Assyrian political parties have increasingly invoked Article 125 of the Iraqi Constitution, which grants minorities the right to administrative, cultural, and political autonomy. 

US Invasion and Political Fragmentation  

Since the US-led invasion in 2003, the Nineveh Plains have become a geopolitical grey zone. Both Baghdad and the KRG have vied for control over the region. Each has claimed to support Assyrian rights, but often in the service of their broader political objectives. Baghdad’s response has at times appeared apathetic, fueling feelings of structural marginalization among Assyrians. Meanwhile, the KRG has taken a more proactive approach by incorporating Assyrian towns into its administrative and security apparatus — raising concerns of a quiet assimilation policy.  

This competition has filtered into the internal politics of the Assyrian community. The Assyrian Democratic Movement (Zowaa), the largest Assyrian party, has leaned toward Baghdad, while other factions, such as the Chaldean–Syriac–Assyrian Popular Council, have aligned with the KRG and its dominant party, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). These alignments have drawn criticism from within the Assyrian population, with many accusing party elites of trading national rights for political or economic privileges. 

ISIS Invasion and the Fight for Survival  

ISIS’s 2014 invasion of Mosul and the subsequent assault on the Nineveh Plains displaced over 120,000 Assyrians. Churches, schools, and homes were destroyed, and towns such as Qaraqosh, Bartella, and Tel Keppe were emptied of their indigenous populations. The sudden withdrawal of Kurdish Peshmerga forces — who had pledged to protect these areas — was perceived by many Assyrians as a deliberate betrayal.  

In the aftermath, calls for an autonomous Assyrian province under international protection or constitutional guarantee intensified. New local self-defense forces emerged, most notably the Nineveh Plain Protection Units (NPU), which still maintain a limited security presence in the region despite political and logistical constraints.  

Naming Controversies and Identity Politics  

One of the major obstacles to a cohesive national project for the Assyrian people is the so-called “naming dispute.” The community is internally divided into three main ethno-religious identifiers: Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Syriacs. While these names often reflect ecclesiastical affiliations rather than ethnic differences, they have become highly politicized.  

The Assyrian Democratic Movement and affiliated groups advocate for a unified national identity encompassing all three denominations. In contrast, many members of the Chaldean Catholic Church assert a distinct Chaldean national identity, a position actively supported by Chaldean Patriarch Cardinal Mar Louis Raphaël I Sako. Meanwhile, some Syriacs — particularly in the diaspora — reject the Assyrian label and instead embrace Aramean or Syriac designations.  

This fragmentation has weakened the community’s representation on the international stage, where competing nomenclatures and allegiances make cohesive advocacy nearly impossible.  

Role of the Church: Between Faith and Politics  

The Assyrian churches serve not only spiritual roles but also function as cultural and linguistic preservers. During the ISIS crisis, all major Assyrian churches — the Chaldean Catholic Church, the Syriac Orthodox Church, and the Assyrian Church of the East — played active humanitarian roles. In Ankawa district, in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI), monasteries and churches transformed into emergency shelters.  

The Churches have also been politically active. The Chaldean Catholic Church has frequently distanced itself from Assyrian nationalist discourse and promoted a separate Chaldean national identity. The Syriac Orthodox Church has taken a cautious stance in the Middle East but has supported Aramean identity claims in European diaspora communities. The Assyrian Church of the East, while ideologically aligned with nationalist aspirations, has been weakened by internal schisms and lack of institutional strength.  

Conclusion  

Assyrians in Iraq stand at a critical crossroads between cultural extinction and political renewal. The 2014 ISIS genocide underscored the community’s vulnerability in the absence of internal unity and effective political representation. While constitutional guarantees exist in theory, the practical implementation of autonomy remains elusive.  

The community’s future in the Nineveh Plains depends not only on international recognition and legal frameworks, but also on the ability of Assyrians to transcend their internal divisions — whether denominational, political, or terminological. A new generation, particularly among the diaspora, is striving to construct a shared national identity based on common language, history, and fate rather than sectarian affiliation. This may prove to be the foundational step for long-term survival and reconstruction. 

Denho Bar Mourad-Özmen is a former special educator and advisor at Sweden’s National Agency for Special Education. He is a lecturer, published educational films on Swedish TV, and has written articles in Swedish educational magazines. He was born in the village of Habses, Tur Abdin, and has written on the Syriac people for Hujada Magazine and the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchal Magazine. He is a long-time journalist and a moderator at Suroyo TV.

The views expressed in this op-ed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of SyriacPress.

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