Syrian Transitional Government appoints US-sanctioned militia leader Ahmad al-Hayes head of 86th Division based in Dayro Zcuro (Deir ez-Zor)

DARAMSUQ — The Syrian Transitional Government (STG) sparked controversy with its controversial appointment of Ahmad al-Hayes, a militia leader sanctioned by the United States for human rights abuses, as the new commander of the army’s 86th Division. This division is responsible for military operations in Raqqa, Hasakah, and Dayro Zcuro (Deir ez-Zor), territories that have long been contested by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and Turkish-backed factions. The appointment has raised serious concerns about the STG’s commitment to stability, human rights, and its ongoing negotiations with the SDF and the Democratic Autonomous Administration of the Region of North and East Syria (DAARNES).

Troubling Appointment

Ahmad al-Hayes, better known by his nom de guerre Abu Hatem Shaqra, was the leader of Ahrar al-Sharqiya, a militia founded in 2016 with the stated goal of overthrowing former Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad. However, the group quickly evolved into a proxy force for Turkey, engaging in violent campaigns against the SDF, the US’s primary ally in the fight against the Islamic State (ISIS).

Shaqra’s appointment comes amid efforts by Syrian Transitional President Ahmad al-Sharaa to consolidate control over the country’s fragmented armed factions. Al-Sharaa, who himself has faced scrutiny for his past leadership of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) — a radical Islamist group with ties to al-Qaeda — has sought to integrate various militias into a unified national army. However, the inclusion of figures like Shaqra, who has been implicated in war crimes, threatens to undermine these efforts.

Shaqra’s record is deeply troubling. In July 2021, the US Treasury Department sanctioned him for his direct involvement in human rights violations, including overseeing summary executions at a prison operated by Ahrar al-Sharqiya near Holeb (Aleppo). His militia has also been accused of trafficking Yezidi women and children, recruiting former ISIS fighters, and engaging in widespread extortion.

Amnesty International and Syrians for Truth and Justice (STJ-SY), an independent Syrian human rights watchdog, have documented numerous crimes committed by Ahrar al-Sharqiya. “Of the Turkish-supported factions, Ahrar al-Sharqiya is one of the most notorious due to its fighters’ tendency to commit abuses against civilians and engage in infighting with other factions,” said Alexander McKeever, an STJ-SY researcher.

Perhaps the most infamous act attributed to Shaqra’s militia was the October 2019 roadside execution of Kurdish politician Hevrin Khalaf and her driver Farhad Ramadan. The killing occurred during Turkey’s ground assault on North and East Syria, an operation greenlit by then-US President Donald Trump in a phone call with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Implications for Relations with DAARNES

Shaqra’s appointment is expected to strain relations between the STG and the leadership of the Democratic Autonomous Administration of the Region of North and East Syria (DAARNES). On 10 March, al-Sharaa signed a key agreement with SDF General Commander Mazloum Abdi to integrate DAARNES’s civilian institutions into the central government. The agreement also included provisions to merge the SDF with the “new national army” that al-Sharaa aims to establish.

However, Shaqra’s appointment raises doubts about al-Sharaa’s commitment to these negotiations. “The new Syrian state’s choice to empower Shaqra suggests that it does not consider Kurdish Syrians equal citizens deserving of justice and protection,” said Meghan Bodette, director of research at the Kurdish Peace Institute in Washington. “This unfortunate step undermines any credibility Damascus gained in the northeast following the March 10 agreement and the Aleppo decentralization deal.”

The STG’s inability to prevent recent outbreaks of violence — including mass killings of Alawite civilians in March — has already sparked concerns about its capacity to maintain stability. Militant groups such as Ahrar al-Sharqiya have been implicated in these attacks, amplifying fears that Shaqra’s appointment will embolden militias rather than curb their influence.

Khalaf’s mother, Suad Mistefa, voiced her outrage after Shaqra attended al-Sharaa’s swearing-in ceremony in January. “I do not accept that Hevrin’s murderers have a role in the future of Syria,” she said in a statement. “How can murderers, criminals, and gangs be part of our nation’s leadership?”

As Syria navigates its fragile transition, the inclusion of figures like Shaqra in key military roles casts a shadow over its future. Whether al-Sharaa can balance his efforts to consolidate power with the need for accountability remains uncertain. For many Syrians in the northeast, Shaqra’s appointment to a critical military post serves as a grim indicator of the country’s current trajectory.